First-generation Asian Americans and the Model Minority Concept

Wendy Postlethwaite

Article Review


Zhou, Zheng; Peverly, Stephen T.; Xin, Tao; Huang, Annie S.; and Wang, Weidong. (2003) School adjustment of first-generation Chinese American adolescents. Psychology in the Schools, 40(1), 71-84.

Background

The literature on multicultural issues uses the term ‘model minority’ to describe a particular subset of the population that is more successful — academically and socioeconomically — than its peers. Members of this model minority may feel proud to be described that way. On the other hand, the model minority concept may be a myth that does harm to the minority in general. In this case, the term becomes a racial stereotype that opens a backlash of opinion. It also sets the bar too high for less able Asian American students, reducing their self-esteem and raising their rates of depression.1 Unfortunately, the model minority idea may actually deprive this low-achieving population of access to mental health and academic services. A system that believes in the model minority is not quick enough recognize the needs of unsuccessful or un happy students; this kind of system may even minimize the extent of criminal and gang behavior among Asian American youth.

Zhou et al’s research compares first-generation Chinese American to two peer groups, Chinese adolescents in mainland China and European American adolescents in the United states. Since 90% of first-generation Asian American adolescents identify with China rather than the US, the cross-cultural comparison might offer insight into factors that govern how the model minority concept  plays out.

Methods

The study included 106 first-generation Chinese American middle schoolers, 120 students of the same age in China, and 131 European American middle schoolers. As an aside, the research describes the experiences of only first-generation Chinese American adolescents; the study makes no attempt to generalize the findings across students whose families have lived in the States for at least two generations.

The team collected the data simultaneously in the fall of the same year using a number of measurement tools:

  • The Reynolds and Kamphaus’ (1992) Behavioral Assessment System for Children (BASC) (translated and modified to suit Chinese life) collects impressions of behaviors and perceptions. It uncovers psychological, academic, interracial, and emotional dysfunction using true/false ratings by parents, teachers, and children themselves. The test is valid in Western countries; this research says there are indications of good reliability in China. (Any questions about the cross-cultural validity of the test may put the findings in doubt.)
  •  The Suinn-Lew Asian Self-identity Acculturation Scale measures language, identity, friendships, behaviors, generational/geographic backgrounds to determine the level of acculturation. This is the test that uncovered the high level of identification with China among first-generation Asian Americans.
  • A semistructured clinical interview engaged students in a one-on-one conversation that probed their personal sense of their own academic and social adjustment.

The researchers worked hard to make all testing equally valid across the two cultures. For example, while the US test talked about daily newspapers, the Chinese test substituted daily radio broadcasts. While the US students received Blockbuster gift cards, the Chinese received notebooks and colored pens.

The study analyzed the data across two dimensions:

·         Academic dimensions include:

·         Resenting or disliking teachers based on the belief that teachers are unfair and uncaring

·         Feeling inadequate and academically unsuccessful

·         Disliking all aspects of school, across all arenas

·         Emotional dimensions include:

·         “Depression (feeling sad, unhappy, and dejected)”

·         “Anxiety (irrational worries and generalized fears; being overwhelmed by problems)”

·         “Social stress (stressful personal relationships and feeling isolated from social activities)”(p. 75-76)

Findings

There were differences in the levels that each of the groups experienced the six dimensions.

For these variables …

 … the responses of first-generation Asian American middle schoolers were:

Academic dimensions

 

Resenting or disliking teachers based on the belief that
teachers are unfair and uncaring

·         More negative than the mainland Chinese

·         More negative than the European Americans

·         (Mainland Chinese and European Americans scored the same)

Feeling inadequate due to perception of being unsuccessful in academic endeavors and unable to achieve goals

·         More than the mainland Chinese

·         More than the European Americans

·         (Mainland Chinese and European Americans scored the same)

Disliking all aspects of school, across all areas

·         More negative than the mainland Chinese

·         The same as the European Americans

Emotional dimensions

 

Depression (feeling sad, unhappy, and dejected)

·         More than the mainland Chinese

·         More than the European Americans

·         (Mainland Chinese and European Americans scored the same)

Anxiety (irrational worries and generalized fears; being overwhelmed by problems)

·         More than the mainland Chinese

·         Equal to European Americans

·         (Mainland Chinese and European Americans scored the same)

Social stress (stressful personal relationships and feeling isolated from social activities)

·         More than the mainland Chinese

·         More than the European Americans

·         (Mainland Chinese and European Americans scored the same)

The research found correlations among the academic and emotional dimensions. In particular:

·         Negative feelings about teachers correlated with …

·         Depression and social stress among Asian Americans

·         Depression and anxiety among mainland Chinese

·         Nothing significant among European Americans

·         A sense of inadequacy correlated with …

·         Depression, anxiety, and social stress in all three groups of children

·         Negative feeling about school correlated with …

·         Depression among Asian Americans

·         Depression and anxiety among mainland Chinese

·         Nothing significant among European Americans

 

Responses to the various self-reporting tools uncovered factors that had a important impact of first-generation Chinese American middle schoolers.

 

These factors …

 … had these effects on first-generation Chinese American middle schoolers

The difference between the two cultures

  • Increased the incidence of distress and school adjustment problems

The emphasis on academic achievement as a form of respect in Chinese American families

  • Increased demands on self to improve academically

Internalization of the causes of academic failure

  • Increased anguish, self-criticism, and alienation

Feeling obligated to parents who made sacrifices to born the family to the States

  • Raised feelings of guilt and anxiety

Different teacher expectations[Chinese teachers value formality, quiet, respectful interaction, and American teachers reward “spontaneity, assertiveness, and informality.” (p. 73) ]

 

  • Raised feelings of inadequacy
  • Instilled expectations that teachers are unhelpful to and dislike Asian Americans; this is based on the very real misunderstanding — on teachers’ parts — of students reticence, passivity, and withdrawal

American children misinterpreting the reserved, polite Asian American behavior … as meek and defenseless

  • Limited interpersonal interaction and academic effort
  • Increased the likelihood of being bullied, teased, and made the but of physical and verbal violence

Being the victim of bullying and physical and verbal abuse

  • Increased distress and  anxiety
  • Reduced school performance
  • Increased demonstrations of hostility, ADHD-like symptoms and delinquency
  • Increased alienation, isolation, and despair

All factors combined

  • Lowered confidence in themselves
  • Increased a sense of academic incompetence
  • Reduced commitment to schoolwork
  • Led to feelings of frustration and anxiety

Key issues

  • Newly arrived students find that getting accustomed to the American way of life is a traumatic process. The pressure may cause students to feel stressed and do poorly in school.
  • Teachers and parents are often unconscious of these cultural conflicts; it is likely that they are misinterpreting behavior in a disapproving way.
  • Asian American adolescents do not expect teachers and other school personnel to be trustworthy, reliable, and sympathetic.
  • At the same time, Chinese tradition puts a high value on education, so not being able to work with teachers and do well in school may be devastating for Chinese American adolescents.
  • These students also want to hide any problems at school from both parents and teachers, so they do not seek assistance. Most often, they turn to peers when they need help; if the problem involves social or even antisocial behavior, the stakes are raised.

In short, the very positive stereotype of the Asian American student can wreak havoc on students’ internal lives because it:

·         Ignores and thus devalues the experiences of those who cannot or do not achieve success

·         Assumes high quality social and mental health, resulting in disregard of actual problems

·         Gives students un unrealistic model against which to measure themselves

Implications

Teachers and school counselors et al should:

Educate school personnel about the model minority concept and its drawbacks.

  • Keep an eye out for students seeking help from other students, which may indicate some sort of problem.
  • Watch how European American students respond to ‘overly’ polite and respectful Asian Americans.
  • Encourage Chinese American students to seek academic and psychological services.
  • Reinterpret Asian students’ humility, modesty, introversion, conforming, etc., as respect rather than passivity, etc.
  • Prevent and stop bullying against them.
  • Encourage Asian Americans to talk about — and even research careers in — mental health.
  • Apply one’s understanding of all these issues proactively to open one’s ears and mind to the Asian American’s experience, offering them the empathic and unconditional listening they deserve. [2]

 

 

 

[1] Mental health and depression in Asian Americans. Published by The National Collaborative for Asian American Women’s Mental Health. http://www.hawaii.edu/hivandaids/Mental_Health_and_Depression_in_Asian_Americans.pdf

[2] Noh, Eliza. (2008) Asian American suicide and depression: voices of women survivors. Presentation at the Asian American Center on Disparities Research, University of California, Davis. October 30, 2008.

Leave a Reply